AMERICAN  IDEALS 

A SYMPOSIUM 

ADDRESSES  BY 

HON.  JOHN  BASSETT  MOORE 
RIGHT  REV.  DAVID  H.  GREER 
THOMAS  MOTT  OSBORNE 
HAMILTON  WRIGHT  MABIE 
OSWALD  G.  VILLARD 
REAR  ADMIRAL  ROBERT  E.  PEARY 
REV.  FREDERICK  LYNCH 
DR.  JAMES  J.  WALSH 

LETTERS  FROM 

PRESIDENT  EMERITUS  CHARLES  W.  ELIOT 
CHANCELLOR  ELMER  ELLSWORTH  BROWN 


PUBLISHED  BY 

SATURDAY  DISCUSSIONS  COMMITTEE 
REPUBLICAN  CLUB 
NEW  YORK  CITY 
N.  Y. 


UNIVERSITY  OF 
ILLINOIS  LIBRARY 
AT  URBANA-CHAMPAIGN 
OAK  STREET 

PURPOSES 
OF 

THE  SATURDAY  DISCUSSIONS 

The  Saturday  Discussions  of  the  Republican  Club  of 
the  City  of  New  York  were  established  some  years  since 
for  the  purpose  of  providing  a Forum  for  a broad  and 
patriotic  consideration  of  questions  of  vital  importance 
and  of  local  and  national  interest  to  the  people  of  the 
United  States. 

These  discussions  are  absolutely  non-partisan,  non-sec- 
tarian and  non-racial  and  include  questions  that  are  na- 
tional, international  and  world-wide. 

The  special  purpose  of  the  Club  is  to  make  these  dis- 
cussions educational,  and  to  aid  in  elevating  the  consid- 
eration of  vital  questions  to  a higher  plane  of  apprecia- 
tion and  to  contribute  to  their  solution  by  appealing  to 
the  highest  sentiment  and  enlisting  the  strongest  support. 

In  this  spirit  the  Club  welcomes  to  its  Saturday  ros- 
trum men  from  all  political  parties,  from  all  the  religious 
denominations,  and  from  all  the  races  that  enter  into  our 
national  and  international  life. 

The  addresses  and  communications  in  this  pamphlet 
were  specially  prepared  for  the  occasion,  and  are  typical 
of  this  new  departure  of  the  higher  aspirations  of  a politi- 
cal club,  strong  enough  in  its  personality  and  broad 
enough  in  its  views  to  extend  its  usefulness  along  patri- 
otic lines,  without  losing  its  identity  and  without  sacri- 
ficing or  neglecting  its  special  political  mission. 

EDWARD  F.  CRAG IX, 


Xew  York,  March  27,  1915. 


Chairman. 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2017  with  funding  from 

University  of  Illinois  Urbana-Champaign  Alternates 


https://archive.org/details/americanidealssyOOmoor 


AMERICAN  IDEALS 

A Symposium 


Addresses  delivered  at  Saturday  Discussions 
of  the  Republican  Club,  March  27th,  1915 

BY 

Hon.  JOHN  BASSETT  MOORE, 

Former  Assistant  Secretary  of  State 

Right  Rev.  DAVID  H.  GREER, 

Bishop  for  the  Diocese  of  New  York 

THOMAS  MOTT  OSBORNE, 

Warden,  Sing  Sing  Prison 

HAMILTON  WRIGHT  MABIE, 

Editor  and  Author 

OSWALD  G.  VILLARD, 

of  the  New  York  Evening  Post 

Rear  Admiral  ROBERT  E.  PEARY, 

Arctic  Explorer 

Rev.  FREDERICK  LYNCH, 

Editor  and  Author 

Dr.  JAMES  J.  WALSH, 

Editor  and  Author 

Letters  received  from 

President  Emeritus  CHARLES  W.  ELIOT, 
of  Harvard  University 

Chancellor  ELMER  ELLSWORTH  BROWN, 
of  New  York  University 

PUBLISHED  BY 

SATURDAY  DISCUSSIONS  COMMITTEE 

REPUBLICAN  CLUB 
NEW  YORK  CITY 


INTRODUCTION  BY 


EDWARD  F.  ORAGrIN, 

Chairman  of  the  Saturday  Discussions  Committee 


This  is  the  last  discussion  of  this,  the  sixth  series.  We 
opened  in  January  with  a discussion  of  the  topic,  “THE 
EUROPEAN  WAR  AND  AFTER.”  We  have  had  an 
“ARMY  DAY”  and  a “NAVY  DAY.” 

We  were  favored  with  the  presence  of  Ambassadors  and 
Ministers  when  we  considered  the  relations  between  Latin 
America  and  the  United  States. 

We  have  discussed  the  future  of  the  Philippines,  and 
have  also  considered  New  York  State  and  local  affairs. 

To-day  we  are  on  a different  plane;  perhaps  a higher 
one.  Some  months  ago,  Prof.  Peabody,  of  Harvard  Uni- 
versity, published  a book  relating  to  the  characteris- 
tics of  Americans.  He  stated  that  a common  belief  of 
foreigners  was  that  the  acquisition  of  money  was  the  one 
great  outstanding  characteristic  of  Americans.  The  wor- 
shipping of  the  “Almighty  Dollar”  was  universal.  Yet 
Professor  Peabody  showed  clearly  that  with  all  the  in- 
tense eagerness  to  acquire  wealth,  there  was  prevalent 
throughout  this  country  a high  idealism.  This  permeated 
all  classes,  and  was  steadily  developing  the  highest  Ameri- 
can ideals,  and  this  is  our  topic  to-day,  “AMERICAN 
IDEALS.” 


2 


HON.  JOHN  BASSETT  MOORE* 
Formerly  Assistant  Secretary  of  State 


Every  great  nation  has  made,  to  the  history  and  civiliza- 
tion of  the  world,  some  distinct  individual  contribution. 
In  no  case  has  this  been  more  emphatically  true  than  in 
that  of  the  United  States.  The  entrance  of  the  United 
States  of  America  into  the  family  of  nations  was,  as  I 
venture  to  believe,  the  most  important  event  of  the  past 
two  hundred  years  and  one  of  the  most  important  events 
of  all  time.  For  centuries,  transitions  of  government  in 
Europe  had  been  complicated  with  settled,  fixed  tradi- 
tions. In  America  the  ground  was  relatively  clear,  so 
that  the  people  might  plant  as  they  liked  and  gather  the 
appropriate  harvest. 

The  Declaration  of  Independence  itself  presaged  the  de- 
velopment of  a theory  and  a policy  which  must  be  worked 
out  in  opposition  to  the  ideas  that  had  then  long  domin- 
ated the  civilized  world.  Of  this  theory  and  policy  the 
keynote  was  freedom : freedom  of  the  individual,  in  order 
that  he  might  work  out  his  destiny  in  his  own  way;  free- 
dom in  government,  in  order  that  the  human  faculties 
might  have  free  course;  freedom  in  commerce,  in  order 
that  the  resources  of  the  earth  might  be  developed  and 
rendered  fruitful  in  the  increase  of  human  wealth,  con- 
tentment and  happiness. 

Intimately  associated  with  the  idea  of  freedom  was  that 
of  opportunity — equality  of  opportunity.  When  the  late 
Chief  Justice  Fuller  was  nominated  for  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States  by  President  Cleveland,  the 
circumstance  was  recalled  that,  only  a few  weeks  previ- 


* Hon.  John  Bassett  Moore,  who  was  to  open  the  discussion,  was 
prevented  by  illness  from  being  present  but  kindly  sent  his  address 
which  is  here  given. 


3 


oil  sly,  when  his  name  had  not  been  mentioned  in  connec- 
tion with  the  post  of  Chief  Justice,  he  opened  an  address 
before  a club  at  Chicago  with  the  declaration,  “The  Re- 
public is  opportunity.”  The  truth  of  the  declaration  was 
strikingly  illustrated  in  his  own  case. 

It  was  inevitable  that  the  American  people,  possessed 
of  a measure  of  freedom  and  of  opportunity  such  as  no 
other  people  enjoyed,  should  develop  the  ideal  of  dem- 
ocracy. I,  of  course,  speak  of  democracy  in  its  broad  and 
philosophical  sense  and  not  in  the  sense  of  party  politics. 
It  is  a well  known  historical  fact  that  the  party  first  pro- 
fessing the  ideal  of  democracy,  as  opposed  to  the  conser- 
vation of  existing  privileges,  called  itself  “republican.” 
But,  no  matter  what  might  be  the  party  title,  the  broad 
democratic  spirit  grew  and  flourished  and  eventually 
carried  everything  with  it.  The  so-called  Federalist 
party,  because  it  came  to  be  associated  with  certain  poli- 
cies of  unpopular  tendency,  lost  its  following  and  ceased 
to  exist. 

The  popular  party,  first  called  “republican,”  then  “dem- 
ocratic-republican,” and  finally  simply  “democratic,” 
eventually  came  to  embrace  for  a time  substantially  the 
entire  population,  and  for  a considerable  period  divided 
on  personal  rather  than  on  political  lines.  The  election 
of  the  President  of  the  United  States  was  practically 
taken  from  the  hands  of  the  small  and  select  electoral 
body  in  which  the  Constitution  had  placed  it  and  was 
transferred  by  popular  action  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States.  Candidates  came  to  be  nominated  by  national 
conventions,  and  it  was  for  the  purpose  of  casting  their 
ballots  for  the  one  candidate  or  the  other  that  the  elec- 
tors in  the  several  States  were  chosen.  In  recent  years 
an  effort  has  been  made  still  further  to  popularize  the 
selection  of  candidates  for  the  Presidency. 

The  revolution  in  national  methods  was  only  a reflec- 
tion of  what  had  been  going  on  in  the  several  States.  In 
colonial  times  the  right  of  .suffrage  was  closely  re- 
stricted. In  some  instances,  special  moral  qualifications 
were  prescribed;  in  others,  religious  tests  were  exacted; 
but  everywhere  property  qualifications  were  imposed.  An 


4 


accomplished  student  of  our  political  institutions  has 
estimated  that,  as  the  result  of  the  conditions  thus  im- 
posed upon  the  exercise  of  the  elective  franchise,  the 
number  of  voters  down  to  the  year  1800  was  only  from 
15  to  20  per  cent,  of  what  the  number  would  have  been 
on  the  basis  of  to-day. 

Not  only  was  the  number  of  electors  increased,  under 
a system  practically  based  on  universal  manhood  suffrage, 
but  a tendency  was  manifested  to  make  all  offices  elective. 
As  a result,  not  only  were  executive  officers  and  members 
-of  legislative  bodies  chosen  by  popular  vote,  but  even 
judicial  magistrates  were  placed  in  a similar  category. 
The  system  of  electing  judges  by  popular  vote,  which 
seems  first  to  have  been  adopted  in  Georgia  in  1812,  for 
the  purpose  of  selecting  judges  of  the  inferior  courts, 
was  made  applicable  to  all  judicial  magistrates  in  Missis- 
sippi by  the  Constitution  of  1832.  The  method  thus  intro- 
duced was  soon  adopted  in  other  States,  and  in  time  the 
popular  election  of  judges  became  general.  That  it  has 
everywhere  worked  with  entire  satisfaction  is  a claim 
which  even  those  who  are  convinced  of  its  general  sound- 
ness would  hardly  make  for  it. 

All  the  movements  of  this  world,  whether  conservative 
or  radical,  tend  to  go  to  extremes.  The  great  task  of 
statesmanship  is  to  preserve  a proper  balance.  In  one  in- 
stance the  desire  to  secure  equality  of  opportunity  was 
carried  so  far  as  to  abolish  all  qualifications  for  admission 
to  the  practice  of  the  law.  This  was  done  in  Indiana,  and 
was  made  a part  of  the  constitution  of  the  State.  How 
the  system  worked  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that 
unlearned  and  unskilled  practitioners  came  to  be  known 
as  “constitutional”  lawyers — a phrase  employing,  in  this 
particular  instance,  a certain  measure  of  disrespect.  Re- 
cently, however,  this  particular  privilege  of  ignorance  and 
incapacity  has  been  done  away  with  by  a new  constitu- 
tional provision. 

In  this  change  we  have  an  illustration  of  the  disposi- 
tion of  the  American  democracy  to  profit  by  experience 
and  to  correct  errors  when  they  are  showTn  to  exist.  This 
is  in  reality  but  a manifestation  of  what  may  be  called 
the  sound  conservatism  of  the  American  people.  No 


5 


doubt  one  of  tbe  greatest  perils  to  which  democracy  is 
exposed  is  that  of  the  exaltation  of  inefficiency  and  in- 
competency. There  may  be,  and  doubtless  are,  persons 
who  honestly  believe  that  knowledge  and  experience  may 
beget  prejudices  which  are  more  to  be  reprobated  than 
the  mistakes  that  proceed  from  a want  of  knowledge  and 
skill.  But  I am  far  from  believing  that  this  is  the  genera] 
sense  of  the  American  people.  I believe,  on  the  contrary, 
that  they  desire  the  best  service  that  can  be  obtained  and 
fully  appreciate  the  importance  of  being  well  served. 

Another  American  ideal  which  I wish  to  mention  is 
that  of  legality.  The  great  end  of  democracy  is  the  in- 
corporation of  its  purposes  and  aspirations  in  the  form 
of  just  and  equal  laws.  Acting  in  what  I have  called 
the  spirit  of  legality,  the  American  people  have  com- 
mitted to  their  courts  a larger  and  more  important  part 
than  is  perhaps  elsewhere  borne  by  judicial  tribunals 
in  the  administration  of  the  affairs  of  the  community. 

What  a combination  of  ideals  is  here  exhibited — free- 
dom, opportunity,  legality!  In  the  combination  of  these 
ideals  we  find  the  true  basis  of  peace,  national  and 
international. 


6 


ADDRESS  OF  RIGHT  REV.  DAVID  H.  GREER,  D.  D. 
Bishop  for  the  Diocese  of  New  York. 


When  one  of  your  members,  my  friend,  Mr.  Partridge, 
sent  me  an  invitation  to  be  present  on  this  occasion,  I 
felt  uncertain  as  to  whether  I should  be  able  to  avail  my- 
self of  your  courtesy  and  this  privilege,  because  it  hap- 
pened to  come  at  a time  somewhat  inconvenient  for  me. 
I finally  said,  using  the  language  of  the  Quaker,  that  I 
would  come  if  the  Spirit  moved  me.  The  Spirit  has 
moved  me  and  I am  here.  I find,  too,  I am  somewhat  in 
sympathy  with  the  Quaker  on  another  subject  which  is 
just  now  engaging  the  attention  of  mankind,  and  inas- 
much as  that  is  an  absorbing  topic  of  the  hour,  with  a 
drift  somewhat  in  that  direction  among  the  American 
people,  perhaps  I may  be  permitted  to  speak  of  it  because 
of  its  bearing  upon  American  ideals  in  the  course  of  this 
discussion.  I find  that  for  some  reason — I know  not 
what — I am  down  on  the  programme  as  Chaplain,  and 
therefore  I shall  discuss  for  a little  while  this  subject 
from  what  may  be  called  a “creedal  point  of  view,”  and 
I shall  avail  myself  of  the  privilige  which  the  Chairman 
has  extended  to  all  the  speakers  and  which  your  courtesy 
will  permit,  to  speak  very  frankly. 

My  proposition,  then,  is  this:  That  war  is  contrary  to 
the  teaching  of  three  enlightened  creeds.  First,  it  is  con- 
trary to  the  teaching  of  the  Christian  Creed.  That  Chris- 
tian Creed  is,  I know,  variously  interpreted,  and  yet  in 
spite  of  these  different  views  concerning  it,  all  agree 
in  this,  that  Christianity  was  the  introduction,  the  libera- 
tion into  the  world,  of  a great  moral  force,  which,  if  per- 
mitted freely  and  fully  to  work  would  effect  the  moral 
subjugation  and  conquest  of  the  world.  And  why?  Be- 
cause it  was  the  greatest  force  there  is,  namely,  the  force 
of  God,  which  Jesus  Christ  reveals  as  the  force  of  love. 


7 


Not  love  as  a feeling  or  sentimental  passion;  this  is  hut 
a fleeting  and  evanescent  thing,  the  expression  of  which 
is  determined  by  physical  or  nervous  or  temperamental 
conditions:  but  love  as  a quality  or  energy  of  life,  which 
shows  itself  or  proves  itself  not  in  paroxysmal  emotions 
but  in  human  service.  It  is  in  short  a love  for  human 
kind  and  for  all  human  kind,  for  foe  as  well  as  friend. 
Not  merely  for  congenial  folk  or  those  who  by  some  local 
tie  or  natural  affinity  are  related  to  us.  That  is  easy. 
Everybody  can  practice  that.  The  heathen  man  can  do 
it;  and  we  do  not  need  any  Christianity  to  teach  or  en- 
force it.  And  if  that  be  all  that  Christianity  is,  it  is  not 
anything  worth  while  and  we  can  get  on  without  it.  But 
that  is  not  all.  The  love  which  Christianity  teaches  and 
which  with  its  Founder  came  into  the  world,  which  He 
taught  and  practiced,  for  which  He  lived  and  died,  was 
a larger  love  than  that,  purer,  nobler,  harder.  It  was 
not  merely  a tribal  love,  national  or  racial.  That  I say 
again  is  an  easy  kind  of  love,  which  before  Christianity 
came  and  outside  of  Christianity  to-day  is  seen  in  every 
tribe  and  every  nation.  But  Christian  love  reaches  out 
beyond  those  tribal  lines  and  limits.  The  distinctive 
thing  about  it  is  that  it  is  a love  not  merely  for  fellow- 
countrymen  but  for  fellow-creatures.  It  is  not  merely 
a national  or  patriotic  love,  although  of  course  includ- 
ing that  and  lifting  up  and  exalting  that,  giving  nobler 
aim  and  nobler  purpose  to  it,  but  something  else  and 
more.  It  is  a super-national  or  international  love,  like 
that  love  of  Cod  which  makes  His  sun  to  shine  on  the  evil 
and  the  good,  and  His  rain  to  fall  on  the  unjust  as  on  the 
just. 

And  that  is  what  essential  Christianity  is  or  what  it 
claims  to  be.  Without  that  Christian  love,  for  foe  as  well 
as  friend,  as  an  enforcing  sanction,  international  treaties 
and  arbitral  court  decrees  are  but  scraps  of  paper  which 
will  shrivel  up  in  flames  when  once  the  passion  of  war 
breaks  out  in  a nation  and  like  a prairie  fire  sweeps  over 
the  land.  Still  it  may  be  said,  it  is  said,  that  in  our 
practical  workaday  world,  with  so  much  raw  human  na- 
ture in  it,  that  Christianity  love  is  too  high  and  good 
for  human  nature’s  daily  food,  and  does  not  and  cannot 
work.  Well,  then,  what  will  work?  How  can  we  over- 


8 


come  the  evil  in  the  world?  If  we  cannot  do  it  by  moral 
force,  can  we  do  it  by  physical  force?  That  may  for  a 
time  suppress  it,  but  only  for  a season;  it  cannot  check- 
mate it;  there  is  always  another  possible  opening  on 
the  board  or  another  possible  play,  with  another  com- 
bination of  its  parts  and  pieces,  which  may  make  it,  and 
often  does  make  it,  more  cunning,  crafty,  rancorous 
and  devilish  and  also  more  formidable  than  it  was  before. 
This  is  not  theory;  it  may  have  been  once,  but  it  is  no 
longer  theory  but  fact ; for  now  we  see  that  physical  force 
at  work  in  the  world  upon  a tremendous  scale,  subsidiz- 
ing to  itself  all  the  physical  resources  and  all  the  in- 
genious physical  inventions  of  modern  civilization.  We 
also  see  that  it  is  breaking  down  with  a fearful  crash  and 
making  a sad  mess  of  it.  Is  it  not  a time  in  which  to  try 
to  inaugurate  and  establish  in  the  world  some  other 
kind  of  force?  How  would  it  do  to  try  this  Christianity 
force?  How  would  it  do  for  our  politicians  and  states- 
men and  leaders  in  council  to  try  it?  If  it  should  be 
said,  as  a recent  writer  remarks,  that  this  Christianity 
force  “would  destroy  human  society  by  giving  to  the  burg- 
lar, the  bully,  the  procurer,  the  fraudulent  company 
promoter,  a loose  rein,”  the  answer  is  that  such  men 
are  the  natural  result  of  the  long  established  policy  of 
physical  force,  and  would  have  long  since  died  a natural 
death  if  the  Christianity  force  had  been  the  policy  of 
the  world.  We  first  manufacture  our  criminals  and  then 
punish  them,  heedless  of  the  fact  that  our  inquity,  I 
should  rather  say  our  stupidity,  is  the  same  in  both  cases. 

War  is  also  contrary  to  the  teaching  of  an  enlightr 
ened  twentieth  century  creed.  For  one  of  the  things  which 
we  of  the  twentieth  century  are  beginning  to  see  and 
learn  is  this — that  in  spite  of  all  its  differences,  of  time, 
place,  circumstance,  race,  creed,  color  or  of  whatsoever 
sort,  human  life  is  one,  of  one  human  piece.  That  is  what 
with  a clearness  never  before  so  clear  is  dawning  now 
upon  us,  that  national  terms  and  forms  or  racial  terms 
and  forms,  the  Saxon,  the  Slavic,  the  Germanic,  are  sur- 
face terms  and  forms,  implying  or  denoting  surface  differ- 
entials and  surface  cleavage  lines,  and  that  the  real  and 
true  and  basic  term  is  the  human,  giving  to  all  nations 
and  to  all  races  a common  human  kinship  and  a common 


9 


human  tie.  Not  only  theoretically  but  practically  we  are 
learning  it.  For  is  it  not  true,  practically  true,  true  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  that  the  field  on  which  we  move  to-day, 
think,  act,  live,  in  art,  in  science,  in  letters,  in  commerce, 
is  not  that  part  of  human  life  immediately  about  us,  the 
vicinage  of  the  State,  the  Nation  or  the  race,  but  the  vic- 
inage of  the  world?  On  that  field  we  move,  in  that  field 
we  toil,  in  large  and  broadening  lands,  and  from  it  our 
subsistence  win,  not  only  for  the  body  but  also  for  the 
brain.  The  gate  through  which  we  pass  to-day,  however 
narrow  in  itself,  opens  into  the  world,  and  we  cannot 
shut  it.  It  opens  into  the  world,  whose  treasures  now  we 
reap,  gather  and  exchange,  whose  words  and  cries  and 
sounds  like  the  noise  of  many  waters  we  cannot  fail  to 
hear,  whose  compass  now  we  scan,  whose  pressure  now 
we  feel,  whose  common  life  we  live. 

That  is  the  enlightened  twentieth  century  creed;  not 
sectionalism  or  nationalism,  but  cosmopolitanism,  affirm- 
ing and  declaring  that  human  life  is  not  many  but  one, 
with  a common  human  kindred  and  a common  human  tie 
binding  it  all  together.  That  is  why  we  instinctively  feel 
that  the  war  which  is  raging  in  Europe  now  is  not  only 
a war  of  nations  against  nations,  or  races  against  races, 
but  that  it  is  a war  against  the  twentieth  century,  with 
its  great  and  growing  consciousness  of  the  solidarity  of 
human  life  in  all  nations,  kindreds,  tribes  and  tongues, 
with  its  great  and  growing  consciousness  that  God  has 
made  of  one  blood,  one  human  blood,  all  nations  of  men 
to  dwell  on  the  face  of  the  earth. 

Again  war  is  contrary  to  the  teaching  of  our  enlight- 
ened American  creed.  When  the  early  pioneers  came  to 
this  western  world,  they  came  not  simply  to  found  or 
build  another  nation,  but  a new  nation,  which  should 
stand  for  and  represent  something  new  among  the  nations 
of  the  earth,  something  higher  and  better,  something 
nobler  and  greater;  that  here  upon  this  American  shore, 
separated  by  great  oceans  from  the  entanglements  of  the 
old  world,  something  new  should  appear  upon  the  face 
of  the  earth  like  a new  island  rising  out  of  the  sea ; when, 
with  a sublime  confidence,  not  in  the  essential  badness 
but  in  the  essential  goodness  of  human  life,  it  would  reach 


10 


some  higher  and  nobler  destiny.  They  came,  those  early 
settlers,  as  Lowell  said,  not  seeking  gold  blit  God.  That 
is  not  unqualifiedly  true.  They  did  come  seeking  for 
physical  treasure,  for  their  physical  well-being ; yet 
running  through  and  pervading  that  physical  quest 
and  search  there  was  some  higher  aim  shining  through 
it  all,  there  was  some  brighter  vision,  the  vision  of  a 
land  whose  foundation  should  be  laid  deep  and  strong 
in  God.  Their  vision  was  at  times  faulty  and  defective, 
but  the  important  thing  is  this,  that  they  had  a vision, 
that  they  believed  in  it,  and  were  true  to  it  and  were 
ready  to  suffer  for  it,  and  did  suffer  for  it. 

What  is  our  vision  to-day,  or  have  we  any  at  all?  An 
old  Persian  philosopher  has  said,  “Glory  not  in  the  fact 
that  you  love  your  country,  but  glory  in  the  fact  that 
you  love  your  kind.”  I should  rather  put  it  in  this  way, 
glory  in  your  country  for  the  sake  of  your  kind. 

That  is  the  patriotic  love  which  tends  to  bring  out  all 
the  best  and  noblest  passions  in  our  human  nature.  And 
that  is  or  should  be  our  enlightened  American  Creed,  our 
patriotic  creed  or  patriotic  vision,  our  power  in  the  pres- 
ent and  our  hope  for  the  future,  to  guide  and  to  save  us, 
to  make  us  a great  and  strong  and  united  people.  For 
“Where  there  is  no  vision  the  people  perish,”  or,  more  lit- 
erally, “the  people  are  let  loose  or  left  to  run  wild.”  Per- 
haps I can  do  no  better  to  sum  up  all  I have  said  about 
our  enlightened  American  creed  than  to  do  so  in  the 
words  of  a gifted  and  true-hearted  American  woman 
which  I am  permitted  to  quote: 


This  morning-  I awoke  with  a.  new  thought,  to  me  new  but  no 
doubt  one  that  has  taken  possession  of  many  thinking  men  and 
women.  We  all  believe  that  the  Christ  spirit  alone  can  bring  to 
humanity  true  righteousness,  and  it  came  to  me  that  His  spirit  must 
prevail  not  only  with  individuals,  even  to  giving  up  of  life,  but  also 
with  nations;  that  a nation  must  come  to  so  high  an  understanding 
of  its  relations  to*  other  nations  that  it  can  and  will  follow  Christ’s 
example  and  accept  the  teaching  of  His  Sermon  on  the  Mount,  that 
it  can  be  reviled  and  revile  not  again.  If  our  President  will  stand 
firm,  holding  in  check  the  beastly  instincts  we  have  inherited  from 
the  brute,  our  Nation  may  become  the  Christ  among  nations.  Why 
not?  Even  if  it  should  mean  crucifixion,  there  would  be  the  resurrec- 


11 


tion,  and  the  spiritual  Christ  would  be  the  ruler  of  humanity.  Why 
should  we  increase  our  army  and  build  great  ships  of  destruction 
even  for  defence?  Would  they  not  be  more  of  a challenge  than  a 
defence?  Would  there  not  be  more  safety  in  using  our  strength  and 
energy  in  learning  to  govern  ourselves  and  in  learning  the  lessons 
of  righteousness  in  'our  dealings  with  one  another?  I am  so  desirous 
that  Mr.  Wilson  shall  hold  firm  to  his  purpose  to  allow  no  entangle- 
ments with  any  of  the  warring  nations;  that  he  shall  be  the  high 
rock  against  which  the  wild  passions  of  our  own  countrymen  shall 
beat  in  vain,  that  my  thought  becomes  the  “soul’s  sincere  desire.” 


These  are  the  words  of  the  widow  of  the  late  President 
Garfield  which  she  recently  wrote  to  her  son,  the  presi- 
dent of  Williams  College,  which  express  so  admirably 
and  so  well  our  enlightened  American  creed  and  our  patri- 
otic vision,  which,  if  we  have  the  courage  to  be  true  to 
it,  will  help  us  to  work  out  that  high  and  noble  destiny 
still  undetermined  which  awaits  us  in  the  future. 


12 


ADDRESS  OF  THOMAS  MOTT  OSBORNE 


Warden,  Sing  Sing  Prison 


When  I accepted  the  invitation  to  be  here  this  after- 
noon, although  I could  be  here  but  a very  short  time,  it 
was  with  the  understanding,  on  my  part  at  least,  that  I 
was  to  listen  and  not  to  speak,  but  when  I got  here  I 
found  my  name  on  the  programme,  and  so,  without  any 
preface,  I am  going  to  plunge  at  once  into  my  story.  I 
will  tell  you  one  or  two  incidents. 

Many  of  you  may  have  seen  in  the  newspapers  a brief 
notice  within  the  past  week  of  the  death,  just  a week 
ago  this  morning,  of  John  E.  Murphy,  better  known  as 
“Canada  Blackie,”  who  died  in  the  warden’s  house  in 
Sing  Sing  a week  ago  to-day.  I think  a very  brief  story 
of  Blackie’s  career  will  be  interesting.  In  spite  of  his 
name,  he  was  not  a negro  but  a Californian  of  dark 
complexion,  black  hair  and  very  piercing  black  eyes. 
Some  twenty-five  years  ago,  before  he  was  twenty  years  of 
age,  he  was  a resident  of  Joliet  Prison  in  the  State  of 
Illinois.  He  bore  on  his  wrists  marks  made  by  hand- 
cuffs when  he  was  strung  up  with  his  hands  tied  behind 
his  back,  with  his  toes  just  touching  the  ground,  as  a 
punishment  while  in  that  institution.  He  said  to  me, 
somewhat  pathetically,  a few  days  before  his  death,  that 
had  he  been  treated  fairly  that  first  time  he  got  into 
prison,  his  story  might  have  been  different.  The  fact 
of  the  matter  was,  he  developed  into  an  outlaw  of  singu- 
lar boldness  and  ability. 

Thirteen  years  ago  in  this  State  he  was  concerned  in  a 
bank  robbery  where  the  watchman  was  killed.  Two  men 
went  to  the  electric  chair  for  that  death,  and  Blackie  was 
sentenced  to  life  imprisonment.  For  seven  years  con- 
fined in  the  prison  at  Dannemora,  he  was  a model  pris- 


13 


oner.  Then,  whether  his  story  is  accurate,  that  a slight 
difference  of  opinion  between  him  and  the  doctor  pro- 
duced constant  nagging  until  his  nerves  gave  out,  or 
whether  his  nerves  gave  out  on  account  of  the  general 
prison  system,  makes  very  little  difference.  The  fact 
of  the  matter  was  they  did  give  out  and  he  got  into 
constant  trouble  and  determined  to  make  a bold  dash  for 
liberty.  Together  with  three  other  men  and  armed  with 
a pistol  which  he  manufactured  out  of  a piece  of  gas 
pipe  and  explosives  made  from  match  heads,  he  and  his 
associates  succeeded  in  getting  as  far  as  the  warden’s 
office.  The  four  men  were  overcome,  however,  and  taken 
down  to  Plattsburg,  where  Blackie  received  an  additional 
ten  years  to  his  life  sentence.  When  I first  met  this 
prisoner  I asked  him  what  his  term  was — how  long — 
and  he  said,  “Life  and  ten  years,”  and  when  he  saw  my 
mouth  twitching  a little  at  the  reply,  he  added,  “It  does 
seem  a little  superfluous,  doesn’t  it?” 

Coming  back  to  Dannemora,  he  was  put  not  only  in 
solitary  confinement,  but  in  the  dark  cell,  for  one  year 
and  eight  months,  lying  on  the  stone  floor  and  contracting 
the  disease  of  which  he  died  last  week.  After  that,  of 
course,  the  only  resource — mental  resource — he  had  was 
what  he  could  find  within  himself.  He  counted  the  pin 
holes  in  his  door,  he  pulled  the  buttons  off  his  coat 
and  used  up  some  time  by  getting  as  far  as  he  could  and 
throwing  them  over  his  shoulder  and  seeing  how  long  it 
would  take  him  to  find  them  all.  After  he  came  out  of 
the  dark  cell  he  was  in  solitary  confinement  for  five 
years ; in  all,  he  was  considered  the  most  dangerous  crim- 
inal in  the  State  of  hie w York,  as  he  might  very  well  be. 
He  was  so  dangerous  they  did  not  dare  keep  him  in 
Dannemora  because  of  rumors  of  dynamite  hidden  around 
the  prison  yard,  and  even  in  the  dark  cell  they  couldn’t 
keep  his  personality  from  reaching  his  fellow-prisoners. 
He  was  removed  to  Auburn  and  again  placed  in  solitary 
confinement.  When  Warden  Rattigan  began  giving  free- 
dom to  the  prisoners  in  the  State  of  hiew  York,  Blackie 
was  very  much  interested,  as  he  had  been  interested  in 
the  plans  for  prison  reform  that  he  and  I had  often  talked 
of  before  the  thing  really  began,  and  his  interest  and 
his  feeling  became  so  strong  that  after  the  first  day 


14 


the  men  spent  out  in  the  yard,  the  thirtieth  of  last  May, 
Blackie  took  me  into  his  cell  one  afternoon  and  said,  “I 
have  something  here  I want  you  to  give  to  the  warden.” 
He  reached  for  a can  of  talcum  powder,  hollowed  out  a 
little  hole  in  the  powder  and  presented  me  with  a key 
which  fitted  the  lock  of  his  cell.  Reaching  through  the 
bars,  he  could  unlock  his  cell  at  any  moment.  Then  he 
reached  out  a steel  knife,  saying,  “There  isn’t  another 
man  in  prison  that  could  have  made  that.”  When  he 
handed  me  the  knife  he  said,  “I  intended  to  use  that,  but 
I feel  so  deeply  what  Warden  Rattigan  and  you  are  try- 
ing to  do  for  the  prisoners  here  that  I decided  to  give  it 
to  you.  Tell  the  warden  he  need  not  have  any  anxiety 
about  me,  because  I am  going  straight.” 

Next  day  I brought  Blackie  out  into  the  yard,  and  one 
of  the  most  dramatic  scenes  I have  ever  witnessed  fol- 
lowed when  this  man,  after  five  years  in  solitary  confine- 
ment and  twelve  years  since  he  had  stepped  on  the  grass, 
entered  the  enclosure.  The  attitude  of  the  other  pris- 
oners toward  him  was  that  of  hero-worship.  You  could 
see  that  he  was  a hero  in  the  eyes  of  those  men.  The 
next  month  he  was  elected  one  of  the  Board  of  Delegates 
of  the  Mutual  Welfare  League,  and  was  promptly  elected 
one  of  the  executive  board,  receiving  the  highest  number 
of  votes  of  any  candidate.  By  September  he  was  one  of 
the  most  trusted  prisoners  of  the  Auburn  prison.  He 
was  brought  to  Sing  Sing  in  September  in  the  hope  that 
the  climate  might  benefit  him.  He  was  acting  and  think- 
ing day  and  night  as  to  how  he  could  benefit  his  fel- 
low-prisoners. He  called  one  of  the  prisoners  up  to  his 
room  and  said  to  him,  “Now,  I want  you  to  understand 
the  new  order  of  things.  I want  you  to  realize  that  this 
is  no  longer  the  old  system.  In  this  new  system  you 
must  understand  that  the  warden  is  your  pal,”  and  so  his 
tremendous  influence — perhaps  the  largest  influence  in 
the  prisons  of  any  man  in  the  State  of  New  York — was 
continually  exercised  to  bring  about  right  acting  of  pris- 
oners toward  the  authorities,  and  to  help  forward  the 
reign  of  liberty  and  order  under  the  self-governing  prin- 
ciple. 

But  the  disease  which  had  fastened  on  him  in  the  dark 


15 


cells  at  Dannemora  proved  too  strong,  and  lie  died  a week 
ago  to-day. 

Now,  gentlemen,  which  is  the  right  spirit?  Which  is 
according  to  the  American  ideals?  Which  is  according 
to  the  dictates  of  common  sense?  The  system  which 
brings  about  the  dangerous  animal  known  as  “Canada 
Blackie”  or  the  one  which  brings  that  man  into  line  with 
the  forces  of  righteousness  in  society,  inside  and  outside 
the  prison? 

If  you  are  a consistent  reader  of  the  newspapers,  you 
have  seen  a good  deal  about  what  we  are  doing  up  at 
Sing  Sing,  and  as  usual,  the  newspapers  touch  for  the 
most  part  only  the  superficial  aspects  of  it.  I beg  you 
to  believe  that  the  superficial  aspect  is  only  superficial; 
that  down  at  the  bottom  we  have  a consistent  policy. 
Much  has  been  said  about  our  giving  moving  picture 
shows  to  the  prisoners,  and  although  the  witnessing  of 
picture  shows  is  far  better  than  keeping  them  locked  up 
in  their  cells  contracting  tuberculosis,  I wish  you  to 
understand  that  moving  picture  shows  are  not  the  aim, 
not  the  end;  the  baseball  games  are  not  the  end;  they 
are  only  the  means  of  restoring  to  these  men  their  equil- 
ibrium, because  I believe  that  my  job  is  to  try  and  send 
those  men  back  into  the  world  better  adapted  to  lead 
honest  and  capable  lives  than  when  they  came  to  prison. 

One  more  story.  You  have  heard  a great  deal 
about  the  “dope”  question  at  Sing  Sing,  and  everyone 
knows  the  contracting  of  the  drug  habit  has  been  the 
curse  of  Sing  Sing.  Do  you  know  why  they  have  con- 
tracted that  habit?  To  forget  the  horrible  Sunday  after- 
noons; because  the  way  they  celebrated  the  Lord’s  Day 
was  by  being  locked  in  their  cells  all  day  long,  for 
more  than  twenty  hours  shut  up  in  those  damp,  deadly 
cells.  Now  then,  there  was  the  most  difficult  problem 
that  I had  to  face.  How  did  I handle  it?  By  doing- 
nothing  at  all,  because  I left  it  to  the  end.  What  has 
happened?  It  has  taken  care  of  itself.  Because  the  men 
trusted  and  given  responsibility  for  it  have  practically, 
I do  not  say  entirely,  wiped  drugs  out  of  Sing  Sing 
themselves.  To  me  it  has  been  the  most  amazing  thing 
in  all  my  experience  in  life,  but  I know  what  I tell  you 
is  true. 


16 


In  January  a man  came  to  me.  He  was  a wreck.  He 
was  just  out  of  a hospital,  having  taken  a cure  for  the 
drug.  He  had  a wife  and  three  children.  He  wanted 
to  get  away  from  the  habit.  I asked  him,  “Have  you 
ever  been  in  prison  before?’7  “Eleven  times,”  he  replied. 
Said  I,  “I  hope  you  will  have  the  strength  to  win.”  He 
said,  “I  will  try,  but  I don’t  know,  one  of  the  ‘screws’ 
wants  my  watch.”  He  meant  one  of  the  officers,  because 
some  of  the  officers  peddled  drugs  inside  the  prison. 
And  two  days  afteiuvards  I was  met  by  a man  who  said 
as  he  passed,  “The  watch  is  gone,”  and  not  knowing 
how  to  tackle  the  problem,  still  I did  nothing.  About 
three  weeks  ago  I met  at  the  foot  of  the  stairs  a man; 
he  stood  up  straight,  six  feet  high,  broad  shoulders.  I 
said,  “Good  gracious,  I didn’t  recognize  you.”  “Mr. 
Osborne,  I have  gained  forty  pounds.”  Said  I,  “It  isn’t 
possible!”  “I  don’t  believe  there  is  an  ounce  of  ‘dope’ 
in  the  place”  he  continued  and  added,  “I  have  got  my 
watch.”  Said  I,  “How?”  “The  ‘screw’  brought  it  back  to 
me,  saying,  as  he  did  so,  ‘The  warden  didn’t  ask  any 
questions,  but  December  first  is  coming,  and  I thought  I 
had  better  go  on  the  level.’  ” Since  that  time,  I have 
found,  not  from  one  source,  but  from  two  or  three,  that 
there  is  very  little  drug-taking  in  Sing  Sing  to-day,  and 
perhaps  you  will  believe  that  I am  not  exaggerating  the 
lessening  of  the  drug  evil  at  the  prison  when  I tell  you 
that  two  of  the  prisoners  recently  held  up  a guard  who 
was  bringing  the  stuff  into  the  jail  and  made  him  destroy 
it.  That  is  what  will  happen  when  you  treat  men  accord- 
ing to  American  ideals,  when  you  give  them  responsibility, 
when  you  treat  them  like  men.  One  poet  has  spoken  thus 
about  the  English  people  : 


“Forever  they  are  dreamers  who  make  their  dreams  come  true.” 

We  are  taught  to  be  a very  practical  people.  Well, 
we  are  in  some  ways,  but  thank  Heaven,  we  are  not  alto- 
gether practical.  We  are  not  altogether  pursuing  the 
dollar.  We  have  our  dreams ; now  up  there  at  Sing  Sing 
I have  dreamed  we  could  take  these  mournful  wrecks  of 
humanity  and  turn  them  out  men,  and  that  dream  is 
coming  true. 


17 


ADDRESS  OF  HAMILTON  WRIGHT  MARIE 
Editor  and  Author 


We  have  already  crossed  the  summit  and  any  further 
remarks  on  this  subject  are  superfluous.  I am  sorry  Mr. 
Osborne  has  gone.  I should  like  to  have  recalled  to  him 
that  beautiful  and  profoundly  true  statement  of  a great 
German  idealist  more  than  a century  ago: 

As  yet  lingers  the  darkness  and  the  twelfth  hour,  but  the  time 
will  come  when  it  shall  be  light  and  man  shall  waken  from  his  lofty 
dreams  and  find  his  dreams  all  there, — that  nothing  is  gone  save  his 
sleep. 

We  have  had  a practical  demonstration  of  American 
idealism,  more  heroic  in  itself  and  in  its  testimony  than 
anything  that  anyone  can  say  here. 

At  the  very  outset,  our  government  is  the  incarnation 
of  the  most  daring  idealism  in  history.  It  rests  on  faith 
in  every  man.  It  is  the  greatest  credit  system  ever  known 
and  Mr.  Osborne  has  carried  that  fundamental  American 
faith  in  humanity  down  into  the  depths  that  were,  until 
he  came,  shrouded  in  darkness.  I don’t  mean  to  say 
that  other  men  and  women  haven’t  had  the  vision,  but  I 
do  mean  to  say  that  no  man  has  taken  that  lamp  in  his 
hand  and  walked  so  resolutely  and  firmly  down  into  the 
subterranean  depths  of  crime  as  he  has. 

If  I were  asked  by  a foreigner  to  name  a half  dozen 
books  that  would  bring  him  in  close  contact  with  Ameri- 
can ideals,  I should  name  Benjamin  Franklin’s  Auto- 
biography, a selection  of  Lincoln’s  speeches,  Emerson’s 
Essays,  Booker  T.  Washington’s  “Up  from  Slavery”  and 
Jacob  Riis’  “Making  of  an  American.”  There,  in  a little 
group  are  the  text  books  of  the  first  undefined  ideals  of 
America  and  the  latest  application  of  those  ideals.  If 


18 


yon  want  to  know  the  ideals  of  a people  you  will  find 
them  in  the  men  that  they  honor  and  love,  the  men  who 
incarnate  the  things  that  are  dearest,  and  who  are  the 
most  representative  Americans.  When  I say  that  I mean 
not  simply  our  heroes,  but  the  men  who  couldn’t  have 
been  made  under  any  other  social  or  political  conditions. 
There  are  men  like  Washington,  who  will  remain  one 
of  the  most  impressive  figures  in  America,  but  who  was 
born  under  English  conditions,  with  many  of  the  tastes 
and  ideals  of  an  English  country  gentleman.  The  three 
men  I am  thinking  of  who  were  the  products  of  American 
conditions  are  Franklin  and  Emerson  and  Lincoln. 

Franklin,  the  master  of  the  art  of  applying  ideas  to 
life,  the  man  who  took  nothing  for  granted,  but  immedi- 
ately asked  himself  how  it  could  be  improved;  the  man 
who  made  science  practical,  perhaps  the  first  American 
scientist  ,and  yet  bringing  science  out  of  the  laboratory 
into  the  streets  and  homes — Franklin,  with  his  immense 
practical  sagacity. 

It  is  a grat  mistake  to  imagine  that  because  a nation 
has  the  power  of  dealing  with  affairs  and  a keen  sense 
of  realities  which  all  great  nations  must  have,  that,  there- 
fore, it  cannot  have  the  vision.  As  a matter  of  fact, 
every  nation  that  has  ever  achieved  anything  has  had 
both  the  vision  and  the  power  of  dealing  with  realities. 
It  was  the  secret  of  the  Greeks  at  their  best;  it  was  the 
secret  of  Holland,  of  England,  of  Venice.  It  has  always 
seemed  to  me  that  you  could  not  understand  England 
anywhere  but  in  Westminster  Abbey,  where,  on  one  hand, 
stand  the  men  of  affairs  who  have  dealt  strongly  with 
conditions  as  they  were,  and  on  the  other  side  the  men 
of  vision  from  the  time  of  Spenser  to  the  time  of  Kipling. 
The  vision  and  the  power  that  uses  it — they  must  go 
together. 

Then  there  is  Emerson — a great  dreamer,  but  with  his 
feet  firmly  on  the  ground.  I have  always  loved  the  story 
of  the  man  who  was  being  driven  up  from  the  station  in 
Concord,  having  come  as  a pilgrim.  Asking  the  driver 
some  questions  about  Emerson,  he  received  the  response, 
“A  man  of  considerable  property.”  Emerson,  the 


19 


dreamer,  the  man  who  has  expressed  more  clearly  the 
American  ideals  than  any  other  man,  who  taught  the 
authority  of  the  individual  soul,  that  nothing  should 
come  between  a man’s  inspiration  from  God  and  his  ac- 
tion among  his  fellows — the  keeping  of  a man’s  character 
in  touch  with  his  ideals,  the  great  and  sacred  doctrine  of 
the  best  American  ideals. 

And  about  Lincoln,  of  whom  it  is  impossible  to  speak 
without  a tribute  to  that  beauty  of  nature  which  has 
more  and  more  revealed  itself.  Aye,  gentlemen,  if  we  had 
done  nothing  on  this  continent  but  produce  Emerson  and 
Lincoln,  it  would  not  have  been  settled  in  vain.  By  the 
good  fortune  of  death  he  has  become  more  and  more  a 
revelation  to  us,  for  when  death  touched  him,  the  mortal 
part  disappeared,  revealing  that  immortal  thing  that  was 
in  him,  such  a precious  heritage  for  us,  the  finest  ideal 
of  America. 

This  is  still  a pioneer  country,  and  the  great  quality  of 
the  pioneer  is  the  sense  of  being  a neighbor  to  another. 
They  stand  together  or  they  fall,  so  from  the  very  be- 
ginning, the  deepest  thing  in  the  American  has  been  the 
ideal  of  the  neighbor.  Lincoln  was  a great  neighbor. 
Beginning  with  the  little  town  and  broadening  into  the 
larger  environment,  he  moved  from  one  neighborhood  to 
another,  from  the  village  to  the  country,  from  the  country 
to  the  State,  from  the  State  to  the  section,  from  the  sec- 
tion to  the  nation.  Everywhere  as  his  observation  en- 
larged his  vision  enlarged,  and  so  at  last  he  stood,  the 
first  man  in  the  nation.  His  speeches  will  long  remain 
the  text-book  of  the  kind  of  American  life  which  is  ex- 
pressed when  a man  begins  at  the  bottom  and  climbs  to 
the  top.  He  was  the  most  convincing  and  most  eloquent 
man  of  his  time,  the  leader  who  understood  his  nation 
and  his  people,  and  was  in  closer  touch  with  them  than 
any  other  man  of  his  time. 

Who  would  not  give  all  Mr.  Everett’s  eloquent  address 
at  Gettysburg  for  the  five-minute  address  that  Lincoln 
made  that  day? 

In  America  first  neighborhood  was  the  section,  and 
the  ideals  of  the  section  you  will  find  in  Emerson  and 


20 


Whittier  and  Bryant  the  ideals  of  the  sanctity  of  man 
and  the  passion  of  the  neighbor,  the  two  great  qualities 
which  Mr.  Bryce  used  to  say  were  the  special  things 
in  our  atmosphere — hopefulness  and  helpfulness. 

Then  the  Civil  War  developed  the  nation.  American 
literature  began  to  express  the  national  feeling  in  Lanier 
and  Whitman.  Whitman  was  a great  neighbor.  Some- 
times he  was  more  intimate  with  his  neighbor's  back- 
yard than  anything  else ! but  he  felt  and  reported,  in  his 
way,  the  life  of  the  continent. 

Lanier  was  a great  neighbor  of  the  spirit. — a poet  of 
continental  sympathies,  as  contrasted  with  the  New  Eng- 
land and  Southern  men  who  preceded  him. 

American  life  is  only  partially  expressed  in  its  govern- 
ment^ That  life  is  far  greater  than  its  political  expres- 
sion. If  you  want  to  found  a college  you  don't  go  to  the 
government.  If  you  want  to  organize  the  greatest  out- 
pouring of  relief  for  those  who  are  smitten  and  dis- 
tressed, you  don't  go  to  the  government.  You  organize 
everywhere  relief  committees  among  the  people  and  they, 
impelled  by  a common  motive,  send  their  wealth  across 
the  sea,  simply  as  an  expression  of  American  generosity. 
The  very  essence  of  our  life  is  the  sense  of  neighborliness. 
We  never  yet  have  counted  the  cost  when  it  came  to  secur- 
ing or  guarding  the  things  that  are  precious  to  us.  The 
root  of  the  agitation  against  trusts  has  been  the  feeling 
that  there  was  coming  an  unneighborly  spirit  in  America, 
and  there  are  certain  names  that  are  now  symbols  of  op- 
pression, not  because  they  are  identified  with  great 
wealth,  but  because  the  country  believes  that  the  men 
who  bear  them  have  not  been  good  neighbors. 

It  would  be  easy  to  define  in  a word  the  ideals  of  the 
younger  literature  of  the  day,  but  I still  find  it — in  all 
the  excess  and  the  extravagance — the  “lunatic  fringe  of 
reform,"  as  Mr.  Koosevelt  has  called  it — in  play  and  in 
story,  and  insistence  on  a broader  conception  of  the  obli- 
gation and  the  opportunity  of  the  neighbor.  This  is  no 
longer  a nation  of  descendants  of  English-speaking 
peoples.  That  was  a noble  ideal;  but  the  new  one  is  a 
broader  one.  We  have  come  to  the  point  where  we  are 


21 


seeing  a great  and  more  human  America;  to-day,  as  yes- 
terday, the  passion  of  this  people  for  humanity  is  ex- 
pressing itself,  not  always  in  permanent  forms,  nor  al- 
ways in  the  best  forms,  nor  always  in  restraint  and  mod- 
eration, but  as  truly  as  in  the  days  of  the  struggle  for 
independence,  and  as  later  in  the  struggle  for  unity,  the 
struggle  for  neighborliness  still  goes  on. 

John  Alexander  on  the  walls  of  the  Carnegie  Institute 
in  Pittsburgh  has  painted  a symbolic  picture  of  the 
American  people — a procession  of  men,  women  and 
children  of  all  degrees  of  social  standing,  all  moving  in 
one  direction,  all  with  the  light  of  the  future  shining  on 
their  happy  faces,  all  confident,  full  of  faith,  committed 
to  the  faith  that  Paradise  lies  before  us  and  not  behind 
us.  That  is  the  expression  of  the  ideals  of  American  lit- 
erature worked  out  in  the  life  of  the  nation,  so  much 
greater  than  its  books  or  its  art  or  its  government. 


22 


ADDRESS  OF  OSWALD  G.  VILLARD 


of  the  New  York  Evening  Post 

I wish  to  speak  this  afternoon  in  no  other  role  than 
that  of  the  son  of  a family  that  came  to  the  United 
States  from  Rhenish  Bavaria  when  driven  out  by  the 
guns  of  the  Prussian  militarists.  No  less  than  two  mem- 
bers thereof  had  the  death  sentence  of  treason  imposed 
upon  them — fortunately  in  their  absence.  They  were 
among  the  many  who  flocked  to  us  from  abroad  to  escape 
the  very  evils  and  burdens  of  militarism  which  we  are 
now  asked  voluntarily  to  embrace.  To  them  as  to  me,  our 
American  ideals  have  been  those  of  service  to  humanity 
and  to  liberty,  to  create,  not  to  destroy.  To  be  a refuge 
to  the  oppressed  of  all  nations  has  been  our  chiefest  aim. 
Our  ideal  has  been  to  let  the  newcomers  develop  as  best 
they  might  without  putting  upon  them  the  great  burden 
of  enforced  military  service,  or  of  supporting  a large 
army  and  navy.  Their  happiness  upon  our  soil,  the 
eagerness  with  which  they  sought,  and  seek,  our  citizen- 
ship, the  passionate  loyality  that  a Franz  Sigel,  a Carl 
Schurz,  a Jacob  Riis,  or  a Mary  Antin,  brought  to  our 
unarmed  country,  justifies  us  in  asserting  that  more 
than  any  others,  our  institutions,  however  imperfect,  sat- 
isfy the  human  longing  for  equality  of  opportunity,  for 
the  right  to  rise  in  the  social  scale  in  accordance  with 
ability  and  merit,  for  equality  in  Government  and  in  the 
courts  of  justice.  Now,  as  one  of  that  stock,  as  well  as 
the  son  of  a father  who  followed  in  the  army  and  navy  of 
the  North  for  four  years,  from  Bull  Run  to  the  final  cam- 
paign, I should  be  untrue  and  unfaithful  to  their  spirit, 
if  I did  not  protest  with  all  my  might  and  power  against 
this  new  doctrine  that  our  American  ideals  contemplate 
a nation  in  arms,  either  as  a citizenry  or  as  professional 
soldiery,  and  against  the  new-born  theory  that  we  must 
devote  a still  larger  portion  of  our  wealth  than  the  sev- 


23 


enty-five  cents  out  of  every  dollar  of  our  income  we  now 
devote  to  the  ignoble  business  of  teaching  men  to  kill  by 
wholesale ; that  we  must  hold  up  to  our  sons  the  i deals  of 
the  military  camp  and  of  the  battleship  deck,  that  we 
must  denounce  Bernhardism  but  surrender  to  its  teach- 
ings, abhor  the  gospel  but  accept  of  its  sacrament  as 
something  better,  finer,  nobler,  more  worth  while  than  the 
ideals  of  peace  and  good  will  America  has  cherished 
heretofore.  Let  no  true  American  believe  this.  Let  no 
true  American  believe  for  a moment  that  there  is  any- 
thing in  the  terrors  abroad  to  make  us  follow  in  their 
footsteps  of  disaster  and  abjure  the  wisest  teachings  of 
our  fathers  and  forefathers  and  the  founders  of  our  great 
Republic.  Let  no  one  believe  that  our  immunity  through 
one  hundred  years  during  which  we  were  unarmed,  ut^ 
afraid  and  never  molested  by  any  foreign  nation  save 
England  in  the  aftermath  war  of  1812,  was  accidental. 
Let  none  consent  that  we  should  fling  away  our  peaceful 
ideals,  our  traditions,  change  the  policy  of  all  our  na- 
tional existence  and  abandon  the  wonderful,  the  dominat- 
ing moral  position  in  which  the  United  States  to-day 
finds  itself  as  the  arbiter  and  leader  in  the  neutral  senti- 
ment of  the  world,  without  at  least  waiting  for  the  out- 
come of  the  struggle  abroad,  and  reasoning  carefully 
and  calmly  but  in  cold  blood  as  to  what  the  cost  of  a 
change  is  going  to  be.  Without  awaiting  the  finish  of 
the  war  of  Nations  to  benefit  by  its  lessons,  we  are  urged 
to  spend  hundreds  of  millions  now,  by  men  who  swear  by 
all  that  is  holy,  that  they  alone  are  patriots,  that 
they  alone  are  the  defenders  of  our  national  honor  and 
our  nationality,  and  who  assert  at  the  same  time  that  they 
are  not  militarists,  but  true  pacificists,  the  greatest  lovers 
of  peace  we  have. 

How  familiar  the  sound,  how  familiar  the  pretense! 
Those  of  us  who  have  lived  abroad  at  intervals  can  say 
these  platitudes  over  backwards  and  forwards  with  our 
eyes  shut.  They  are  all  pacifists,  the  militarists  the  world 
over,  all  merely  insurance  agents  to  keep  our  national 
edifices  from  burning  down,  all  custodians  of  the  pris- 
tine virtues — the  Austrians,  the  Germans,  the  French, 
the  Russians,  and  the  Turkish  military  men  and  general 


24 


staffs.  They  all  began  the  same  way;  every  one  of  the 
large  armies  and  navies  grew  out  of  small  ones. 

All  this  in  an  hour  when  no  experts  the  world  over  are 
as  discredited  as  the  military  experts.  How  have  not  the 
prophecies  of  the  professional  soldier  been  made  ridicu- 
lous by  the  events  of  Europe!  The  Germans  themselves 
have  proved  through  daring  and  courage  of  their  volun- 
teers that  the  Prussian  worship  of  regular  troops  was 
ill-founded.  Von  Hindenberg’s  new  armies,  so  he  and 
the  Kaiser  boast,  have  fought  just  as  well  and  as  suc- 
cessfully in  Poland  against  the  Russians  as  have  the 
flower  of  the  Imperial  Guard.  In  trench  warfare  the  re- 
cruit appears  the  equal  of  the  long  trained  soldier.  The 
editors  of  our  own  Infanty  Journal  have  been  trying 
to  make  Congress  believe  that  it  takes  two  years  to 
create  infantry  soldiers.  Lord  Kitchener,  through  his 
Canadian  troops,  has  already  made  nonsense  of  this  talk. 
For  years  military  experts  the  world  over  have  been  tell- 
ing us  that  in  modem  battles  there  could  be  no  bayonet 
charges  ; that  hand  to  hand  conflicts  were  impossible  and 
that  the  armies  would  be  firing  at  one  another  at  such 
ranges  as  to  be  practically  invisible.  The  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  men  now  bent  on  killing  one  another  in 
trenches  so  close  together  that  hand  bombs  and  grenades 
may  be  thrown  from  one  to  the  other,  are  a terrible  blow 
to  the  finality  of  this  judgment.  So  we  were  solemnly 
told  by  European  experts  that  cavalry  ought  to  carry  the 
lance  for  shock  contests  and  now  we  learn  that  cavalry 
has  lost  practically  all  its  value  save  as  a screen.  So 
has  the  submarine  falsified  the  prophecies  of  the  naval 
experts  and  so  has  the  battleship  yet  to  prove  in  this  war 
that  it  is  worth  the  horrible  price  paid  for  it.  And  surely 
we  ought  never  to  hear  again  such  balderdash  and  stuff 
as  certain  prominent  Americans  have  put  out,  claiming 
that  the  profession  of  arms  is  necessary  to  preserve  the 
pristine  virtues;  that  long  periods  of  peace  make  craven 
and  weakling,  that  military  drill  is  necessary  in  order 
to  keep  alive  the  manly  virtues.  From  college,  factory 
and  shop,  from  palace  and  from  hovel,  have  come  men  by 
the  millions,  ready  to  die  for  their  cause  and  physically 
able  to  withstand  any  draughts  upon  their  strength. 


25 


I believe  that  I speak  in  the  spirit  of  historical  Ameri- 
can ideals,  at  least  as  I interpret  them  as  a devoted  and 
loyal  American  citizen,  when  I say  that  the  time  is  near 
at  hand  when  the  masses  ought  to  rise  in  rebellion  against 
this  whole  theory  of  war,  demanding  freedom  of  trade 
and  harbors  throughout  the  world,  a union  of  nations 
where  there  is  a union  of  states  within  a nation  to-day, 
and  internationalism  as  against  nationalism.  The  thing 
for  all  sane  men  to  hope,  who  believe  in  democracy,  in 
Christianity,  in  humanity,  in  the  brotherhood  of  man, 
is  that  the  masses  will  refuse  to  be  food  for  cannon  at 
the  behest  of  any  masters,  kings  or  queens  or  whatever 
their  titles  may  be. 

This  is  the  kind  of  revolution  the  world  needs  above 
all  else  at  this  hour — a sweeping,  overwhelming  uniting 
against  those  who  rob  nations  of  seventy-five  per  cent,  of 
their  income  for  war  purposes,  and  take  it  away  from 
the  building  of  cities  beautiful  without  slums,  from  the 
reclaiming  of  waste  lands,  of  our  deserts  and  our  swamps, 
the  developing  of  our  waterways,  our  water  powers  and 
our  highways,  the  true  education  of  our  masses,  the  lev- 
eling of  every  barrier  of  caste  and  prejudice.  In  short, 
militarism  withholds  vast  sums  from  the  amelioration 
of  the  lot  of  the  poor,  the  ill,  the  suffering,  the  wronged, 
the  oppressed,  and  I am  for  bitter  and  harsh  words  about 
it  now  and  always;  I am  for  turning  upon  those  who 
counsel  that  we  shall  plot  to  murder  other  nations  and 
peoples  either  for  offense  or  defense  as  true  traitors  to 
the  nation,  faithless  to  every  American  ideal,  faithless 
to  every  teaching  of  Jesus,  faithless  to  the  God-like  in 
humanity  itself. 


26 


ADDRESS  OF  REAR  ADMIRAL  R.  E.  PEARY 


Arctic  Explorer 

I would  have  much  preferred  with  you  to  sit  here  and 
listen  to  these  masters  of  thought  and  expression  who 
are  here  this  afternoon,  than  to  get  on  my  feet  and  talk, 
but  they  have  me  on  the  list,  so  you  and  I must  make 
the  best  of  it. 

I have  always  thought  I had  in  a general  way  an  idea 
of  what  American  ideals  are,  but  when  my  friend  Part- 
ridge asked  me  to  say  something  on  the  subject,  I found 
my  conception  not  sufficiently  crystallized  for  expression. 

Of  several  I asked  the  question  what  are  American 
ideals?  My  daughter  suggested  fair  play  and  ambition. 
A pessimist  suggested  money  getting  and  graft.  One  re- 
ferred me  to  the  preamble  of  the  Constitution. 

Assuming  that  the  ideals  of  the  Constiution  are  truly 
ours,  and  that  fair  play  and  ambition  and  others  may  be 
added  to  them,  are  these  ideals  distinctively  American, 
or  are  they  held  also  by  others? 

Would  not  our  assumption  of  them  as  distinctively 
ours,  be  in  the  same  category  as  that  other  fond  assump- 
tion of  so  many  of  us,  that  an  American  can  lick  all 
creation? 

But  it  seems  to  me  there  are  two  things  which  may  be 
called  American  ideals,  and  which  are  very  generally  in- 
grained in  us;  one  of  them  the  result  of  our  environ- 
ment and  national  growth,  the  other  in  a way  the  out- 
growth of  the  first.  These  two  things  are  “bigness”  and 
“realization”  (in  the  sense  of  accomplishment  or  effective- 
ness). 

Could  the  growth  of  this  country  from  the  original 
thirteen  little  colonies  hugging  the  Atlantic  Coast — first 
to  the  Mississippi — then  to  the  Rocky  Mountains — then 
to  the  Rio  Grande — then  to  the  Pacific — till  we  are  three 
thousand  miles  across  and  fourteen  hundred  miles  from 
north  to  south,  fail  to  make  an  indelible  impress  upon  a 
breed  of  men  and  women  vigorous  enough  to  push  out  for 
themselves  to  found  a new  nation? 


27 


I do  not  speak  of  our  later  expansion  to  the  Arctic 
Circle  by  the  acquisition  of  Alaska,  nor  to  our  circling 
the  world  by  taking  over  Hawaii,  Samoa,  Guam,  the  Phil- 
ippines and  Porto  Rico.  These  came  too  late  to  affect 
the  earlier  generations,  bred  and  raised  in  a country 
already  stretching  from  ocean  to  ocean  through  three 
thousand  miles  of  boundless  resources  and  possibilities. 

When  it  came  to  national  advancement  and  develop- 
ment, our  railroad  builders  had  to  think  in  hundreds  of 
miles,  where  those  of  other  countries  thought  in  miles — 
our  wheat  farmers  thought  in  square  miles  and  town- 
ships, where  those  of  other  countries  thought  in  acres — 
our  financiers  thought  in  billions,  where  those  of  other 
countries  thought  in  millions. 

The  second  ideal  presents  somewhat  of  the  paradox 
of  being  both  a predecessor  and  a corollary  of  the  first. 
The  sturdy  pioneers  who  in  frail  craft  crossed  a wide 
and  stormy  ocean  to  found  the  beginnings  of  this  coun- 
try, stood  in  their  own  resolute  persons  for  “realiza- 
tion,” the  realization  of  their  dreams  of  a free  home  and 
land. 

Later,  realization  became  a necessity,  the  essential  of 
success  which  is  the  goal  of  ambition. 

Failure  to  put  through  a little  railroad  might  be  trivial ; 
failure  with  a transcontinental  trunk  line  would  be  of 
vital  magnitude.  Failure  in  a farm  of  a few  acres  meant 
trying  again  next  year;  failure  in  a thousands  of  acres 
ranch  was  ruin. 

Failure  of  a million  dollar  company  might  not  be  of 
special  importance;  failure  of  a billion  dollar  corpora- 
tion would  be  a national  calamity.  And  so  “realization” 
became  the  companion  ideal  of  “bigness.” 

I think  of  no  more  striking  examples  of  our  superb 
assurance  as  a result  of  these  ideals,  than  our  wars  with 
England,  and  our  Monroe  Doctrine. 

In  one  we  made  war  against  the  greatest  sea  power  ever 
known  and  won.  In  the  other  we  calmly  stated  to  the 
world  “Excuse  us  but  our  sphere  of  influence  is  an  en- 
tire hemisphere  if  you  please.” 


28 


Thus  far  we  have  made  good.  Can  we  continue  to  do 
so?  If  we  keep  our  ideals  before  us,  yes — if  we  go  to 
sleep,  no. 

There  are  three  recent  examples  which  also  illustrate 
my  presentation  of  “bigness”  and  “realization”  as  Ameri- 
can Ideals. 

From  the  beginnings  of  the  race,  man  has  dreamed  of 
flying.  Americans,  the  Wright  Brothers,  solved  the  prob- 
lem of  true  flying,  and  opened  up  to  us  a new  world,  the 
world  of  air.  A big  thing,  a realized  thing. 

For  four  centuries  the  world  strove  and  waited  and 
dreamed  of  a ship  canal  connecting  the  Atlantic  and 
the  Pacific.  Americans,  Roosevelt  and  Goethals,  solved 
the  problem  and  gave  us  the  greatest  artificial  waterway 
the  world  will  ever  know.  A big  thing,  a realized  thing. 

For  four  centuries  the  world  strove  and  waited  and 
dreamed  of  reaching  the  northern  axis  of  the  globe. 
American  money  and  experience  solved  the  problem.  A 
big  thing,  a realized  thing. 

Now,  if  you  assent  to  my  conception  of  two  funda- 
mental American  Ideals  and  permit  me  to  amend  the 
title  of  our  subject  of  discussion  to-day,  and  make  it 
“American  Ideals  and  Destiny,”  I will  add  a few  words 
on  the  latter  subject. 

I do  not  expect  to  tell  you  anything  new,  simply  to 
refresh  your  memory  and  to  group  certain  facts. 

With  this  world  map  before  us,  let  me  call  your  atten- 
tion— first,  to  our  position  in  the  southern  half  of  the 
north  temperate  zone,  the  location  of  maximum  crops,  of 
maximum  resources,  of  maximum  mentality — second,  to 
our  location  midway  between  the  two  great  acres  of  maxi- 
mum population,  Europe  and  China — third,  to  our  loca- 
tion between  the  two  great  oceans,  the  North  Atlantic,  the 
ocean  of  the  present,  and  the  North  Pacific,  the  ocean  of 
the  future. 

Then  let  me  call  your  attention  to  our  magnificent  coast 
line  on  each  of  these  great  oceans,  and  note  that  the  Pan- 
ama Canal  which  we  have  built  and  which  we  own.  makes 
these  two  coast  lines  practically  continuous  from  Eastport 


29 


to  Cape  Flattery.  And  here  let  me  say  there  are  those  here 
to-day  who  will  see  the  Panama  Canal  a sea  level  canal, 
and  will  see  another  great  ship  canal  across  the  American 
Isthmus  at  Nicaragua. 

Then  let  me  note  to  you  that  in  our  Pacific  Coast, 
Alaska,  the  Sandwich  Islands,  Guam  and  the  Philippines, 
we  control  the  base  and  one  side  of  the  great  triangle  of 
the  North  Pacific. 

We  are  in  touch  with  the  present,  we  are  in  position  for 
the  future. 

Then  let  me  call  your  attention  to  the  fortieth  parallel 
of  latitude.  Did  you  ever  with  map  or  globe  trace  the 
40th  parallel  of  North  Latitude  around  the  world,  and  as 
you  did  so  recall  your  history? 

Near  that  line  lay  the  Phoenician,  Chaldean  and  Baby- 
lonian Kingdoms.  On  it  lay  the  Persian  Empire.  Close 
by  mighty  Egypt.  Near  it  Greece,  and  Imperial  Rome, 
Constantinople,  Madrid  and  Pekin. 

It  is  the  most  fateful  and  suggestive  line  upon  the 
earth’s  surface.  The  life  line  of  the  world’s  successive 
dominating  nations. 

That  line  of  destiny  bisects  this  country.  Strung  along 
it  are  New  York,  Philadelphia.,  Baltimore,  Washington, 
Chicago,  St.  Louis  and  San  Francisco. 

Do  you  believe  that  all  these  things  are  mere  chance? 
I do  not.  We  cannot  escape  the  bigness,  the  imperial 
bigness  of  our  destiny,  and  it  is  our  duty  to  prevent  the 
retardation,  and  to  assist  the  advance  of  that  destiny. 

With  “bigness”  and  “realization”  our  ideals — with  im- 
perial position  and  prospects  our  possession — what  may 
we  not  realize  in  the  future  if  only  we  always  keep  before 
us  the  watchwords  preparedness  and  self-oontainedness? 

We  cannot  stand  still.  A hundred  years  from  now  we 
shall  either  be  obliterated  as  a nation,  or  we  shall  occupy 
the  entire  North  American  world  segment. 

The  former  is  inconceivable,  the  latter  may  be  nearer 
than  we  think. 


30 


ADDRESS  OF  REV.  FREDERICK  LYNCH 


Editor  and  Author 


We  have  had  about  two  hours  of  speeches,  and  I,  my- 
self, had  several  things  to  say,  but  they  have  all  been  said, 
and  when  they  have  been  said  better  by  somebody  else, 
what  is  the  use  of  saying  them  all  again? 

For  five  or  six  minutes,  let  me  draw  one  or  two  lessons 
for  this  country.  Perhaps  what  has  been  said  may  take 
upon  itself  new  emphasis.  I had  either  the  fortune  or  the 
misfortune  to  spend  this  summer  in  the  nations  which  are 
at  war.  No  one  could  have  come  through  Germany,  and 
no  one  could  have  been  in  France  during  the  beginning 
of  those  awful  days,  and  no  one  could  have  been  in  Eng- 
land, as  I was  for  several  days,  without  having  borne  in 
upon  him  one  or  two  things  which  he  never  could  eradi- 
cate from  his  mind,  which  were  seared  there  as  by  hot 
irons  upon  his  brain. 

I happened  to  be  in  company  with  forty  or  fifty  other 
Americans,  and  in  talking  with  them  I have  found  that 
they  also  had  two  impressions  drilled  into  their  souls  as  I 
had.  I will  just  put  these  things  straight  before  you.  I 
have  been  there  almost  every  summer  for  a,  good  many 
years,  and  after  living  with  the  people  of  Germany  and 
France  and  England,  I find  they  are  all  a good  deal  alike, 
no  matter  what  you  may  read.  Coming  across  Europe 
this  summer,  the  thing  that  came  over  me  day  after  day, 
as  it  has  in  previous  years,  is  this:  that  a civilization 
based  wholly  or  largely  on  force  will  ultimately  go  down. 
Civilization  has  become  too  big  a thing  to  base  it  upon 
force ; it  has  become  a thing  of  brain  and  mind  and  heart ; 
it  has  become  a thing  of  spirit.  The  civilization  of  Ger- 
many, in  spite  of  the  spell  that  the  false  philosophers 
have  put  upon  it,  was  a spirit  of  fine  and  high  and  noble 


31 


idealism.  The  spirit  of  England  and  France  was  the 
same,  and  the  mistake  that  Europe  has  been  making  has 
been  in  trying  to  base  that  great,  superb,  growing  civili- 
zation upon  force  and  upon  force  alone.  Now  force  has 
failed;  force  has  toppled  and  gone  down,  and  my  friends, 
I believe  the  old  ideal  has  gone  down  with  it  forever.  I 
am  not  exaggerating,  I have  been  in  Europe.  Force, 
powder,  soldiers,  everywhere  in  evidence.  I went  into  an 
art  gallery  with  a friend,  and  we  both  remarked  together : 
‘‘Notice  that  every  portrait  in  this  room  is  of  somebody 
who  has  killed  somebody.  ” 

A missionary  in  China,  who  for  several  years  had  been 
trying  to  interest  one  of  the  high  officials  in  Christianity, 
one  day  heard  this  man  was  going  to  visit  Europe.  He 
thought,  “Now  is  my  chance.”  So  to  the  Chinaman  he 
said,  “I  want  you  to  observe  keenly  while  you  are  in 
Europe  and  see  what  is  the  most  conspicuous  fruit  of 
Christianity  that  you  find.”  In  three  months  the  Chinese 
official  came  back  from  his  tour  of  Germany,  Austria  and 
England,  and  the  missionary  ran  to  meet  him,  thinking 
he  would  be  easy  prey.  “What  was  the  most  conspicuous 
fruit  of  Christianity  you  saw  in  Europe?”  asked  the  mis- 
sionary ; and  with  a twinkle  in  his  eye  the  Chinaman  said 
“Guns.”  You  know  how  true  that  is. 

Leaving  aside  for  the  present  consideration  of  what 
should  be  an  effective  army  and  navy,  what  I want  to  see 
in  the  United  States  is  a nation  that  dares  go  out  into 
the  future  and  lead  the  rest  of  the  world,  as  it  surely  will, 
and  build  its  great  foundations  on  something  higher  and 
finer  than  mere  brute  force,  which  is  bound  to  fail.  I 
want  to  see  a nation  that  will  stand  up  to  the  rest  of  the 
world  and  say,  “Our  justice  is  our  self-defence;  our  char- 
acter is  our  self-defence.  We  don’t  want  the  territory  of 
any  other  nation  in  the  world,  and  we  don’t  intend  to  takte 
it  We  want  to  deal  justly  by  all  people  and  we  are  going 
to  be  the  friend  of  every  nation  in  the  world  that  will  let 
us  be  so.”  Our  character  shall  be  our  great  defence,  and  I 
don’t  believe  the  United  States  is  in  any  more  danger 
when  she  says  that  than  Mr.  Thomas  Mott  Osborne  is  in 
danger  when  he  puts  these  same  ideals  into  practice  at 
Sing  Sing.  One  of  the  secrets  of  Mr.  Osborne’s  success  is 


32 


that  he  goes  out  among  the  prisoners  with  no  revolver  in 
his  pocket. 

Another  lesson  that  came  to  us  as  we  crossed  Europe 
was  this:  that  the  nations  are  far,  infinitely  far  behind 
individuals  in  the  state  of  ethics  into  which  they  have 
come  in  their  relationships  to  one  another;  and  the  one 
great  task  of  the  future  will  be  to  bring  nations  to  be- 
have toward  each  other  as  gentlemen  do.  Gentlemen  do 
not  steal;  gentlemen  do  not  kill;  gentlemen  do  not  settle 
their  disputes  by  weapons.  If  we  can  only  bring  the  na- 
tions up  to  the  point  where  they  can  learn  to  practice 
those  fine,  high  things  which  all  gentlemen  practice — 
charity,  tolerance,  the  desire  to  see  both  sides  of  a ques- 
tion, the  desire  to  get  justice  and  not  to  get  pre-eminence 
or  predominance — then  the  whole  question  of  war  will  be 
settled  forever.  If  we  can  only  get  the  nations  to  realize 
that  it  is  our  duty  and  not  our  rights  by  which  we  live, 
we  will  have  solved  the  whole  problem  of  the  future. 
Gentlemen  are  not  going  about  talking  of  their  rights,  but 
of  their  duties  and  of  getting  rights  for  others.  Christian- 
ity has  come  to  that  stage  where  we  say  a Christian  is  the 
man  who  wants  to  get  the  rights  for  the  rest  of  the  world, 
and  is  not  thinking  about  his  own  rights,  is  not  thinking 
about  protecting  himself,  about  getting  revenge  for  his 
honor.  Honor’s  wounds  are  generally  self-inflicted.  He 
is  not  thinking  of  his  rights,  but  he  is  thinking  of  his 
duties;  he  would  not  get  them,  even  if  he  believed  in  them, 
if  those  “rights”  meant  the  destruction  of  someone  else. 
The  nations  of  this  Twentieth  Century  must  come  up  to 
this  ideal,  and  I want  to  see  our  government  brave  enough 
and  fearless  enough  to  say  to  the  rest  of  the  world,  “We 
are  not  concerned  everlastingly  and  eternally,  as  the  na- 
tions of  Europe  have  been,  with  avenging  our  insulted 
honor.  We  are  thinking  of  bigger,  finer  things,  just  as 
all  gentlemen  are  everywhere,  of  rendering  what  service 
we  can  to  the  world,  putting  duty  as  our  ideal  and  not 
self -protection  nor  our  rights. 


33 


ADDRESS  OF  Dr.  JAMES  J.  WALSH, 
Editor  and  Author. 


I think  probably  the  reason  I was  asked  to  talk  this 
afternoon  is  because  there  are  two  things  in  the  world, 
contrast  and  microbes.  I represent,  not  the  microbes,  but 
the  contrast.  Unfortunately,  I was  not  told  anything 
about  Professor  Peabody’s  book.  One  must  be  careful 
about  definitions,  you  know.  Before  coming  here  I turned 
to  the  Century  Dictionary  to  see  what  might  be  the  mean- 
ing of  the  word  ideal  to  which  one  would  apply  that  in- 
teresting epithet  American.  There  are  evidently  two  lines 
of  thought  underlying  the  word  as  familiarly  used.  Ac- 
cording to  one  of  these  an  ideal  is  something  that  exists 
only  in  idea  and  being  confined  to  thought  or  imagination 
is  considered  impractical  and  quite  unattainable.  The 
other  is  that  an  ideal  represents  a standard  of  beauty  or 
virtue  so  high  that  it  is  rather  a standard  of  desire  than 
an  ultimate  object  or  aim,  a mental  conception  of  what 
is  eminently  desirable  rather  than  something  that  we  hope 
to  realize  in  any  way. 

Some  of  our  American  ideals  are  rather  interesting  by 
contrast.  I have  just  been  reading  once  more  something 
about  the  fete  made  for  Cimabue’s  Madonna  when  it  was 
carried  in  triumph  through  the  Streets  of  Florence.  All 
the  people  of  the  quarter  of  the  city  in  which  it  was 
painted,  turned  out  and  followed  it  in  procession.  Work 
was  stopped  for  the  day  in  that  quarter  of  the  City  and 
they  had  such  a fine  time  that  it  was  ever  afterwards  re- 
called by  the  invention  of  a new  name  for  that  quarter  of 
the  city.  I have  ventured  to  ask  some  friends  what  they 
thought  would  cause  the  populace  in  a quarter  of  the  city 
to  turn  out  in  anything  like  similar  fashion  to  the  Cima- 
bue  incident.  I may  say  that  they  were  not  agreed  as 
to  whether  it  could  be  done  at  all,  but  some  of  them 


34 


thought  that  if  some  new  white  hope  should  win  the 
heavyweight  championship  from  Jack  Johnson  and  if  his 
coming  were  announced  any  attempt  on  his  part  to  walk 
through  the  Streets  would  almost  surely  require  the  pres- 
ence of  the  police  to  permit  traffic  to  be  free.  Another 
friend  thought  that  if  the  winning  team  just  after  the 
pennant  was  clinched  were  to  come  home  to  their 
eponymic  town,  it  is  not  their  home  town  in  any  sense  of 
course,  there  would  surely  be  a similar  procession  to 
that  which  greeted  Cimabue’s  great  picture. 

Last  year  in  the  celebration  of  Shakespeare’s  three  hun- 
dred and  fiftieth  birthday  I took  occasion  to  tell  some 
evening  High  School  boys  how  impossibly  dirty  was  the 
London  of  Shakespeare’s  day.  The  boys  had  great  fun 
laughing  at  these  unrefined  Elizabethans.  When  I sug- 
gested, however,  that  these  people  went  to  Shakespeare’s 
plays  in  such  large  numbers  that  they  made  a large  for- 
tune for  him  while  we  cannot  keep  a Shakespearean  play 
going  for  more  than  a week,  the  laugh  died  down.  One 
thing  is  perfectly  sure,  while  we  have  much  more  refine- 
ment than  the  Elizabethans,  they  apparently  had  much 
more  taste  than  we  have.  I wonder  if  the  trouble  is  with 
our  ideals. 

Now  I am  not  going  to  draw  any  conclusions.  I am 
just  going  to  leave  these  contrasts  to  speak  for  them- 
selves and  ask  whether  possibly  most  of  our  American 
ideals  have  not  been  concentrated  on  making  ourselves 
more  comfortable  in  body  and  not  paying  very  much  at- 
tention to  the  development  of  our  minds.  I don’t  think 
that  even  I want  to  say  as  much  as  that.  I know  there 
is  something  wrong  with  our  American  life.  I think  that 
it  can  be  summed  up  in  one  of  those  brief  illuminating 
expressions  from  the  Old  Testament,  which  runs  some- 
thing like  this:  “The  fascination  of  trifles  obscures  good 
things.”  We  are  having  a number  of  good  things  ob- 
scured for  us,  though  there  never  was  such  a running 
after  trifles  of  all  kinds  as  just  now.  We  read  trifling 
books,  see  trifling  plays,  view  trifling  motion  pictures, 
hear  triflling  after  dinner  speeches  and  we  are  missing  a 
lot  of  good  things  in  life.  I wonder  if  the  war  with  all 
its  seriousness  will  affect  us  enough  to  get  us  away  from 


35 


the  fascination  of  trifles  that  seems  to  me  is  overwhelm- 
ing us.  But  then  my  friends  say  I am  a pessimist.  I 
think  that  I am  only  someone  who  has  had  to  live  over 
long  with  some  very  self  complacent  optimists. 

Just  now  we  find  ourselves  face  to  face  with  another 
material  thing.  You  know  we  have  been  boasting  about  the 
prosperity  of  the  world.  There  never  before  was  so  much 
money  in  the  world  as  now.  We  have  had  one  hundred 
years  of  industrial  prosperity.  In  the  old  world  we  are 
beginning  to  see  one  of  the  flaws  of  that  last  hundred 
years.  How  much  of  the  vast  wealth  accumulated  should 
in  justice  have  gone  to  the  workingman  who,  amid  all  the 
boasted  prosperity,  was  seldom  able  to  earn  more  than  a 
living  pittance.  Ho  you  remember,  about  the  middle  of 
the  Civil  War,  on  the  occasion  of  the  Emancipation 
Proclamation,  Lincoln  said:  “Perhaps  in  the  order  of 
Providence,  for  every  unpaid-for  drop  of  sweat-  of  the 
negro  slave  there  will  have  to  be  shed,  before  we  get 
through  with  this  war,  a drop  of  white,  free  blood”? 
Something  very  nearly  like  that  came.  Just  at.  the  pres- 
ent, Europe  is  engaged  in  getting  rid  of  some  of  the  ac- 
cumulated wealth  of  the  world.  Over  there  they  were 
spending  in  August  Thirty-seven  Millions  of  dollars  a 
day;  in  September  Forty- five  Millions  a day;  in  January 
Fifty-five  Millions  a day.  Already  there  is  Twelve  Bil- 
lions of  Dollars  gone.  Is  it  possible  that  somewhere  in 
the  order  of  Providence  for  every  cent  that  was  unpaid 
to  the  workmen  in  an  era  of  world  prosperity,  we  shall 
have  to  pay  out  a dollar  of  the  accumulated  wealth  of 
the  world?  The  mills  of  God  do  grind  slowly,  but  they 
grind  awfully  fine.  Were  we  watching  the  material  far 
too  much  and  not  thinking  enough  of  the  spiritual? 

We  founded  this  nation  on  some  of  the  greatest  spirit- 
ual principles,  such  as  the  world  never  before  knew.  I do 
fear  sometimes  that  we  have  let  ourselves  down  from  our 
high  ideals  and  that  some  of  the  things  they  say  of  us  in 
Europe  are  true. 

Just  at  the  present  moment,  surely,  our  ideals  should 
all  be  for  peace.  You  know  what  an  undercurrent  of 
feeling  there  is  that  would  lead  to  anything  but  peace, 


36 


however;  I am  a pacifist  but  not  one  of  those  who  thinks 
that  we  should  have  peace  just  because  it  will  make  the 
world  nice  and  comfortable.  If  peace  ever  comes  for 
that  reason  we  shall  have  a world  not  worth  living 
in  because  of  its  degeneration  and  selfishness.  If  the 
world  wants  peace  it  can  have  it,  but  it  must  really  want 
it.  The  world  will  never  have  peace,  however,  until 
something  of  the  wonderful  spirit  of  sacrifice  that  comes 
into  men  in  time  of  war  can  be  engendered  also  in  time 
of  peace. 

On  August  1st,  1914,  when,  as  was  said,  modern  his- 
tory began,  there  were  some  25,000,000  men  in  Europe 
who  thought  they  had  a right  to  say  how  their  lives 
should  be  lived  and  their  careers  should  be  shaped.  In 
those  early  days  of  August  they  learned  that  they  had  no 
rights,  that  not  even  the  precious  home  ties  and  obliga- 
tions meant  anything  as  compared  to  their  duty  to  their 
country.  One  cannot  help  but  admire  the  spirit  that 
prompts  such  devotion  to  duty.  As  a consequence  a great 
many  of  these  men  are  now  fighting  bravely  and  help- 
fully, shoulder  to  shoulder  with  hereditary  enemies  in  a 
spirit  of  brotherliness.  France  and  England  have  been 
supposedly  hereditary  enemies  for  centuries.  See  where 
they  are  now.  When  we  are  able  to  foster  and  develop 
some  of  the  brotherliness  that  thus  comes  out  in  time  of 
war  we  shall  have  a lasting  peace,  but  only  when  some- 
thing like  that  comes.  The  arguments  from  prosperity 
and  comfort  and  convenience  mean  nothing  as  against 
the  spirit  of  war  in  man.  If  men  but  will  make  half  the 
sacrifices  for  peace  that  they  do  for  war  then  we  shall 
have  an  enduring  peace. 


37 


BISHOP  GREER’S  CLOSING  WORD 


There  is  nothing  to  reply  to.  It  was  announced  that 
this  would  be  a discussion.  It  has  been,  rather,  a disser- 
tation along  the  same  lines.  There  is  no  opportunity  for 
rebuttal.  I agree  with  everything  that  has  been  said. 
The  meeting,  it  seems  to  me,  has  reached  its  climax.  The 
best  thing  I can  say,  after  all  you  have  heard  this  after- 
noon, and  the  only  thing  I can  say  to  you  after  all  you 
have  heard  this  afternoon,  is,  “Go  in  peace.” 


38 


LETTERS  RECEIVED 


FROM  CHARLES  W.  ELIOT 

President  Emeritus  of  Harvard  University 

It  will  not  bo  practicable  for  me  to  attend  the  Dinner  of 
the  Republican  Club  in  New  York  City,  on  Saturday, 
March  27th.  I congratulate  you  on  the  subject  to  be 
discussed.  National  ideals  account  for  the  differences 
among  nations.  We  need  not  be  alarmed  at  the  radical 
diversities  in  our  population,  so  long  as  all  immigrants 
come  hither  in  search  of  freedom  and  the  diffused  well- 
being which  democracy  produces. 

CHARLES  W.  ELIOT. 

FROM 

CHANCELLOR  ELMER  ELLSWORTH  BROWN 

of  'New  York  University. 

At  the  last  moment,  imperative  demands  upon  my  time 
prevent  me  from  coming  this  afternoon  to  the  luncheon 
of  the  Republican  Club,  and  participating  in  the  discus- 
sion of  American  Ideals.  I am  deeply  disappointed,  for 
I had  something  to  say,  and,  still  more,  I wanted  to  hear 
what  your  other  speakers  had  to  say. 

I wra&  going  to  speak  of  an  American  ideal  in  educa- 
tion. You  have  heard  that  education  is  the  only  single 
thing  that  all  Americans  believe  in  with  all  their  heart. 
But  we  all  believe  in  different  kinds  of  education.  Per- 
haps wre  believe,  too,  that  every  American  ought  to  have 
a different  education  from  every  other  American.  Some 
kind  of  unity  in  our  educational  ideal  we  must  have,  if 
we  are  to  continue  to  be  one  people. 


39 


I would  not  go  the  length  of  trying  to  hammer  our 
people  into  national  unity  as  has  been  done  where  the 
military  ideal  has  been  predominant.  But  I think  it 
would  be  worth  while  to  see  whether  our  education  can- 
not spread  abroad  something  better  than  the  military 
ideal  and  make  it  a national  characteristic. 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that  we  are  finding  out  what  a poor 
bungling  thing  war  is  as  a means  of  accomplishing  any 
good  result  in  our  international  relations.  It  is  to  be 
hoped  that  at  the  same  time  we  are  finding  out  what 
poor  bungling  means  are  now  too  often  employed  to  ac- 
complish any  good  result  at  home  in  our  industrial  re- 
lations. About  the  greatest  thing  that  education  has  to 
do  in  the  immediate  future  is  to  make  this  American  peo- 
ple a people  that  is  consciously  and  deliberately  bending 
its  efforts  toward  a better  method  than  that  of  strikes 
and  lock-outs,  and  a better  method  than  that  of  interna- 
tional war. 

That  would  mean  a people  that  believes  in  spiritual 
forces  as  the  ultimate  dependence  of  human  society,  and 
does  not  believe  that  brute  power  and  gunpowder  can 
ever  be  the  ultimate  depedence  of  human  society. 

ELMER  ELLSWORTH  BROWN. 


40 


NON-PARTISAN  SATURDAY  DISCUSSIONS 

OF  THE 

REPUBLICAN  CLUB  OF  NEW  YORK  CITY 

SIXTH  SEASON,  1915 


Chairmen  of  Committees  of  Arrangements  for  the  Several  Meetings. 
Jan.  9th — Mr.  Andrew  B.  Humphrey  Feb.  20th~Mr.  Edward  W.  Harris 


Jan.  16th — Mr.  J.  Henry  Smythe,  Jr. 
Jan.  23rd — Hon.  Robert  W.  Bonynge 
Jan.  30th — Mr.  Gerald  Stratton 
Feb.  6th — Hon.  Wm.  H.  Douglas 
Feb.  13th — Mr.  Edward  C.  Miller 


Feb.  27th — Mr.  John  A.  Dutton 
Mar.  6th — Mr.  Edward  R.  Finch 
Mar.  13th — Judge  Alfred  E.  Ommen 
Mar.  20th — Hon.  Wm.  S.  Bennet 
Mar.  27th — Mr.  Wm.  Ordway  Partridge 
Mr.  Edward  F.  Cragin,  Chairman 
Mr.  Edward  C.  Miller,  Vice-Chairman 
Mr.  Franklin  P.  Duryea,  Vice-Chairman 
Mr.  J.  Henry  Smythe,  Jr.,  Secretary 


SUBJECTS  AND  SPEAKERS.  SEASON  OF  1915 

Jan.  9. — “The  War  and  After.” 

His  Excellency  Doctor  Bernhard  Dernburg,  Former  Imperial 
German  Colonial  Secretary. 

Doctor  Henry  M.  MacCracken,  Former  Chancellor,  New  York 
University. 

Doctor  Toyokichi  Iyenaga,  Professor  of  History,  Chicago  Uni- 
versity. 

Doctor  Edwin  Bjorkman,  (of  the  American-Scandinavian  Foun- 
dation. 

Chaplain:  Rev.  William  Carter,  D.D. 

Jan.  16. — “The  Military  Needs  of  Our  Country,”  “Army  Day.” 

Hon.  Lind  ley  M.  Garrison,  Secretary  of  War. 

Hon.  Henry  L.  Stimson,  Former  Secretary  of  War. 

Col.  William  Cary  Sanger,  Former  Assistant  Secretary  of  War. 
Rev.  John  Haynes  Holmes. 

Chaplain:  Rev.  Chas.  C.  Albertson,  D.D. 

Jan.  23. — "Should  the  Federal  Government  Own  or  Operate  or  Only  Supervise 
the  Interstate  Railroads?” 

Hon.  James  Wesley  Bryan,  Congressman  at  Large  from  Wash- 
ington. 

Mr.  Benjamin  F.  Yoakum,  Chairman  of  the  Board,  St.  Louis 
& San  Francisco  Railway. 

Mr.  Thos.  F.  Woodlock,  formerly  of  the  Wall  Street  Journal. 
Prof.  Edward  Sherwood  Mead,  Professor  of  Finance,  University 
of  Pennsylvania. 

Mr.  T.  P.  Shonts,  President  Interborough  Rapid  Transit  Co. 
Chaplain:  Rev.  Nehemiah  Boynton,  D.D. 

Jan.  30. — “The  Future  of  Our  Navy,”  “Navy  Day.” 

Hon.  Franklin  D.  Roosevelt,  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 
Hon.  George  von  L.  Meyer,  Former  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

Hon.  Herbert  L.  Satterlee,  Former  Assistant  Secretary  of  the 
Navy. 

Dr.  Frank  Crane,  Editor  and  Author. 

Hon.  William  M.  Calder,  M.  C. 

General  Francis  V.  Greene. 

Mr.  S.  Stanwood  Menken,  President  National  Security  League. 
Chaplain:  Rev.  William  Edgar  McCord,  Chaplain  Seventh 
Regiment. 

Feb.  6. — “How  Can  We  Create  an  American  Merchant  Marine  Commensurate 
with  Our  Needs?” 

Hon.  Rufus  Hardy,  of  Texas,  member  Congressional  Committee 
on  Merchant  Marine. 

Hon.  Wm.  E.  Humphrey,  member  of  Congress  from  Washing- 
ton. 

Hon.  Jas.  T.  McCleary,  former  member  of  Congress  from 
Minnesota. 

Hon.  Dudley  Field  Malone,  Collector  of  the  Port. 

Hon.  William  H.  Douglas,  former  member  of  Congress  from 
v New  York. 

Mr.  Edward  N.  Breitung,  owner  of  the  steamship  “Dacia.” 
Chaplain:  Rev.  Charles  L.  Goodell,  D.D. 


■l 


0 


2 


05909623 


Feb.  13. — “What  Can  the  United  States  Do  for  Latin  America  and  What  Can 
Latin  America  Do  for  the  United  States?” 

His  Excellency,  Domicio  da  Gama,  Ambassador  from  Brazil. 

Senor  Ignacio  Calderon,  Minister  from  Bolivia. 

Senor  Dr.  Federico  Alfonso  Pezet,  Minister  from  Peru. 

Senor  Dr.  Don  Gonzalo  S.  Cordova,  Minister  from  Ecuador. 

L.  S.  Rowe,  LL.D.,  Professor  of  Political  Science,  Unlversty  of 
Pennsylvana;  President  of  the  American  Academy  of  Po- 
litical and  Social  Science;  Chairman  Pan-American  Com- 
mittee cf  the  Department  of  State. 

Mr;  H.  R.  Eldridge,  Vice-President  of  the  National  City  Bank, 
New  York. 

Mr.  Chas.  M.  Muchnic,  Manager  of  the  Foreign  Department  of 
the  American  Locomotive  Company. 

Professor  William  R.  Shepherd,  of  Columbia  University. 

Chaplain:  Rev.  William  Carter,  D.D. 

Feb.  20. — "Is  Democracy  Gaining  Over  Aristocracy  and  the  Spirit  of  Brotherhood 
Over  Race  Hatred?"  "University  Day.” 

Professor  William  M.  Sloane,  Professor  of  Contemporary  His- 
tory, Columbia  University,  author  of  "Life  of  Napoleon 
Bonaparte,”  "The  Balkans,”  etc. 

Professor  William  Pickens.  Professor  of  Languages,  Wiley 
University,  Marshall,  Texas. 

Professor  Franz  Boas,  Professor  of  Anthropology,  Columbia 
University. 

Professor  Jeremiah  W.  Jenks,  Professor  of  Government  and 
Public  Administration,  New  York  University. 

Professor  Toyokichi  lyenaga,  Professor  of  History,  Chicago 
University,  Representing  Japanese  News  Bureau. 

• Professor  Philip  K.  Hittl,  President  Intercollegiate  Cosmo- 
politan  Club  of  New  York,  graduate  and  member  of  perma- 
nent staff  of  the  Syrian  American  College  at  Beirut,  Syria, 
Lecturer  on  Semitic  Languages,  Columbia  University. 

Chaplain:  Rev.  John  F.  Carson,  D.D. 

Feb.  17. — "Should  the  Suffrage  be  Extended  to  Women  In  the  State  of  New 
York?” 

Mrs.  Inez  Milholland  Bolssevaln,  of  New  York. 

Mrs.  A.  J.  George,  of  Boston. 

Mrs.  James  Lees  Laldlaw. 

Miss  Lucy  J.  Price. 

Mrs.  Harry  Hastings. 

Miss  Alice  Chittenden. 

- Chaplain:  Rev.  Howard  Duflfield,  D.D. 

Mar.  e. — “What  Should  be  Embodied  in  the  New  State  Constitution  ?” 

Hon.  John  Purroy  Mitchell,  Mayor  of  New  York. 

Hon.  Martin  W.  Littleton,  Former  Member  of  Congress  from 
New  York.  , 

Judge  Samuel  Seabury,  of  the  Court  of  Appeals,  State  of  New 
York. 

Judge  William  H.  Wadhams. 

Chaplain:  Rev.  Sidney  N.  Ussher,  D.D. 

Mar.  13.— "Shall  the  Powers  of  Borough  Government  Be  Maintained  as  at  Pres- 
ent or  Increased  or  Decreased?”  "Borough  Day.” 

Hon.  Marcus  M.  Marks,  President,  Borough  of  Manhattan. 

Hon.  Henry  Bruere,  City  Chamberlain. 

Hon.  Lewis  H.  Pounds,  President,  Borough  of  Brooklyn. 

Hon.  Douglas  Matthewson,  President,  Borough  of  Bronx, 

Hon.  Maurice  E.  Connolly,  President,  Borough  of  Queens. 

Hon.  William  M.  Calder,  M.  C. 

Mr.  Cabot  Ward,  President,  Park  Board, 

Chaplain:  Rev.  Frank  Oliver  Hall,  D.D. 

Mar.  20. — "The  Future  of  the  Philippines.” 

Hon.  Wm.  Patterson  Borland,  Member  of  Congress  from  Mis- 
souri. 

General  Francis  V.  Greene,  Identified  with  the  Capture  and 
Surrender  of  Manila,  and  the  Spanish  Forces  in  the  Philip- 
pines, August  13,  1898. 

Dr.  Arthur  J.  Brown.  , . 

Martin  Egan,  formerly  with  the  Manila  Times. 

Chaplain : Rev.  William  Carter,  D.D. 

Mar.  27. — "American  Ideals.” 

Hon.  John  Bassett  Moore,  Former  Assistant  Secretary  of  State. 

Right  Rev.  David.  H.  Greer,  Bishop  for  the  Diocese  of  New 
Yoxk. 

Thomas  Mott  Osborne,  Warden,  Sing  Sing  Prison. 

Hamilton  Wright  Mabie,  Editor  and  Author. 

Oswald  G.  Villard,  of  the  Evening  Post. 

Rear  Admiral  Robert  E.  Peary,  Arctic  Explorer. 

Rev.  Frederick  Lynch,  Editor  and  Author.  - *■ 

l)r.  James  .T.  -Walsh,  Editor  and  Author. 

Chaplain:  Right  Rev.  David/  H.  Greer. 


